Thursday, October 30, 2008

Politics – October 2008

Unthinking respect for authority is the greatest enemy of truth - Albert Einstein

There is something intoxicating about power. You can smell it, but be careful not to sniff it - Raphael Cohen-Almagor

Tzipi Livni - Ehud Olmert - More on Olmert - New IAF system will pinpoint Iranian missile targets in Israel - Sarah Palin - The Next Wave of Information Technology Will Dramatically Improve Quality of Life - Request - New Article
Annual Ben Halpern Award for Best Dissertation in Israel Studies - SHAPIRO BEST BOOK PRIZE - New Books - University of Hull Summer School - Joke of the Month


Tzipi Livni

My last Newsletter has generated many comments. One reader said: Am I mistaken or are you a little bit more kindly towards Tzipi Livni than you used to be?

To which I answer:
On the background of two failing prime ministers, Tzipi deserves a fair chance. I was also kind to Olmert when he started, and he made a complete mess.

What do I know of Livni?
She is tough.
She is unpleasant.
She is extremely cautious, a blessing after Olmert.
She is pragmatic.
She is very committed.
She does not listen.
She respects people who are important to her, and disrespects the others.
She is prudent.
She is not wise.

So you see, mixed feelings. But I prefer her over Bibi. I am not sure whether I prefer her over Barak.

Livni failed her major leadership test, unable to cobble together a coalition. Shas, it is argued, made too heavy demands. Livni was forced to advise President Shimon Peres that she was unable to form a government, and therefore there is a need to call for early elections in early 2009. What a disappointment for Livni and Kadima.


Ehud Olmert

The same reader also noted: I think you have finally achieved the goal of "removal of the three" that we discussed after the Lebanon war and before you left Haifa. Unfortunately it took longer than you hoped and in Olmert's case it is kind of a pity that the reason he fell was not the bungling of the war.

My response:
I disagree with you that Olmert did not fall because of the war. The “envelopes” were a pretext, a welcome addition for many people who ceased to trust him and decided he should go down. Many people had high hopes of him, including me. But his war conduct proved he was ill-suited for this important job. The war brought his downfall.

There is something intoxicating about power. You can smell it, but be careful not to sniff it. When you sniff, you lose your judgment ability. Some people in power positions cope well with the knowledge and idea that they now can send other people to die. They know of this ability, but don’t use it. They respect this ability. Others, like Olmert, are intrigued by it. He sniffed, lost his sense of judgment, ceased to care. So what if due to his irresponsible decision-making disability hundreds of people died, on both sides of Israel’s borders, thousands were maimed, and hundreds of thousand became refugees? At least he sensed what it is like to be in such intoxicating position. When he ceased to care about his own people, people ceased to care about him.


More on Olmert

Some people of the Israeli left, especially in the media, were willing to overlook Olmert's corruption, forget his war conduct and deficient decision-making processes because "Olmert is a man of peace". Well, you know I did not. I cannot trust a leader who behaves like Olmert. He is no example for anyone, and his major flaws of character are likely to impede his best intentions.
On Eve of Rosh Hashana (New Year), September 29, 2008, Nahum Barnea and Shimon Shiffer of Yedioth Ahronoth published an interview with Olmert which is very telling, in many respects very true. The interview explains why Olmert became the darling of the left. For the first time, here is a prime minister who speaks like Meretz. At this point, however, his power is less than Meretz's.

Olmert spoke of the urgency to reach an agreement with the Palestinian and Syria: "the decision we have to make is a decision that we have been refusing for 40 years to look at open-eyed."
“We have to reach an agreement with the Palestinians, the meaning of which is that in practice we will withdraw from almost all the territories, if not all the territories. We will leave a percentage of these territories in our hands, but will have to give the Palestinians a similar percentage, because without that there will be no peace."
Including in Jerusalem?
“Including in Jerusalem,” said Olmert, “with special arrangements that I can envision on the topic of the Temple Mount and the sacred and historical sites. Whoever talks seriously about wanting security in Jerusalem and not wanting tractors and bulldozers to crush the legs of his best friends, as happened to a close friend of mine (Jerusalem attorney Shuki Kramer), who lost a leg because he was run over by a terrorist on a bulldozer, has to give up parts of Jerusalem.
“Whoever wants to hold on to all of the city’s territory will have to bring 270,000 Arabs inside the fences of sovereign Israel. It won’t work. A decision has to be made. This decision is difficult, terrible, a decision that contradicts our natural instincts, our innermost desires, our collective memories, the prayers of the Jewish people for 2,000 years.
“I am the first who wanted to enforce Israeli sovereignty on the entire city. I admit it. I am not trying to justify retroactively what I did for 35 years. For a large portion of these years, I was unwilling to look at reality in all its depth."
“We know full well that my governmental term is short, but the governmental term of others is also short. We don’t know, for example, what will happen in the Palestinian Authority after January 9, 2009. It may be that by some manipulation, which I hope will be successful, Abu Mazen will remain in power. But we believe that there is a very great danger that there will be a bloody clash, which will thwart any possibility of continuing negotiations and perhaps will force us to be involved in the confrontation, with bloodshed, with everything that could happen as a result.
“The timetable I am talking about is not my personal affair: I resigned, and I hope that Tzipi will succeed in forming a government as quickly as possible. The question is what will happen in the meantime in our immediate surroundings, with the partners that we can now talk to—and I am not talking only about the Palestinians.
“Arik Sharon spoke about painful prices, and refused to detail them. I say, there is no choice but to elaborate. In the end, we will have to withdraw from the lion’s share of the territories, and for the territories we leave in our hands, we will have to give compensation in the form of territories within the State of Israel at a ratio that is more or less 1:1.
“What I am saying to you now has not been said by any Israeli leader before me. The time has come to say these things. The time has come to put them on the table.
“I read the words spoken by our retired generals, and I say, how is it possible that they have not learned anything and have not forgotten anything. Someone once said to me, a very senior official in the Israeli administration, they are still living in the War of Independence or the Sinai campaign. With them, it is all about tanks and land and controlling territories and controlled territories and this hilltop and that hilltop. All these things are worthless.
“The real threat that we face today in the north, the south and the east is missiles and rockets. We will have to give a response to them, but we will not reach a response by bargaining over 200 meters.
“The goal is to try to reach for the first time the delineation of an exact border line between us and the Palestinians, where the whole world—the United States, the UN, Europe—will say, these are the borders of the State of Israel, we recognize them, we anchor them in formal resolutions of international institutions. These are Israel’s borders, and these are the recognized borders of the Palestinian state.
“I am not saying this to say that we erred in leaving Gaza. It is good that we left Gaza. I reject the self-flagellation of all the politicians who say that we should have stayed there, just as I reject the view posed by those who say, we should make a renewed assault on Gaza and take control of it. The prices we will pay for this matter are not worth any benefit that we will derive.
“Is the fact that an arrangement has not already been reached between us and the Palestinians a result of Israel’s insistence? No. Let there be no doubts on this score. Unfortunately, the Palestinians do not have the necessary courage, the power, the inner determination, the will and the enthusiasm. If we do not reach an arrangement, I will by no means be willing for the blame to be cast on Israel. It will be cast, first and foremost, on the other side."
… “I want to learn from my own mistakes. I did not see it then, I am not trying to justify myself. Exactly 30 years ago, when Menahem Begin came back from Camp David, I spoke against and I voted against. I admit it, I am not hiding it, I am not obfuscating on the matter.
“What was the greatness of Menahem Begin, which is not spoken about? Menahem Begin sent Dayan to meet with Tuhami in Morocco, and before the negotiations started, before he even met with Sadat, before he knew whether Sadat would smile one way or the other, whether he would say one thing to him or the other, Dayan told Tuhami on Begin’s behalf, we are willing to withdraw from all of Sinai. He started from the end. He first of all told him, I am willing to withdraw from all of Sinai. Now let’s negotiate.
Source: Geneva Initiative, http://www.geneva-accord.org/News.aspx?docID=3196&FolderID=42&lang=en

New IAF system will pinpoint Iranian missile targets in Israel

The past few years have showed that Israel may have the strongest army in the Middle East but it is very vulnerable to missile and rocket attacks. Slowly but surely, our enemies exploit this vulnerability and expand the territories which they are able to target, terrorizing the lives of innocent citizens. On October 16, 2008 Haaretz reported that the Israel Air Force is developing a computerized system to predict where a missile will land with considerable accuracy, very shortly after it is launched. That would enable the Home Front Command to order people into shelters only in a relatively small area, rather than in broad regions of the country.
Currently the country is divided into 10 large districts for the purpose of missile alerts, and at every missile launch, everyone in the relevant district is ordered into shelters. But when the new system is completed, in an estimated 18 months, the country will instead be divided into about 100 districts.
The idea behind the system is that if fewer people have to run for shelter every time a missile falls, the country will be better able to endure prolonged missile barrages, as most people will be able to continue with life as usual. In light of the army's assessment that any future war will include sustained missile attacks, bolstering Israelis' ability to live with such attacks was considered essential.
However, the system is designed mainly for use against medium- and long-range missiles, such as the Syrian Scud or the Iranian Shihab.
Until recently, Israel relied on a system that was developed during the 1991 Gulf War, which could predict a missile's landing site only in very general terms. A slightly more sophisticated system was improvised and put into use during the Second Lebanon War in 2006, but later, the IAF decided to develop a whole new system that would enable relatively precise predictions.
According to army sources, the new system will collect data from numerous sources, including both radar and electro-optic sensors. Inter alia, it will make use of the sophisticated American radar currently being installed in the Negev, which is slated to become operational next month. The data will then be analyzed to determine the missile's path and where it is likely to land, both in order to try to intercept it, and to warn those who will be in danger if the interception fails.
Meanwhile, the Home Front Command has also been working to upgrade its siren system, which warns of incoming missiles. It now says that almost 100 percent of the country is within audio range.


Sarah Palin

The more I hear Ms. Palin, the less I want to hear. The thought that this hockey mom will become part of my life for at least four years is agonizing. McCain proved to be an irresponsible politician, putting the interests of winning ahead of the best interest of the nation. But this regrettable choice backfires. With all due respect to the notable qualifications of Ms. Palin – governor, mayor, mom, member of PTA, dog, Washington hater etc. – these are not enough to make her a suitable candidate for the nation's no. 2. Just imagine that a CEO of a large business company will suggest making her no. 2 in her company. The Board of Directors would certainly voice serious reservations and might question the discretion and good-judgment of the CEO. That CEO might pay with her position.

May Ms. Palin resume her peaceful life in Alaska, and become a distant memory, soon.


The Next Wave of Information Technology Will Dramatically Improve Quality of Life

In 2007, the Information Technology and Innovation Foundation (ITIF) released the groundbreaking report Digital Prosperity: Understanding the Economic Benefits of the Information Technology Revolution that documented how IT, since the mid-1990s, has been the principal driver of increased economic growth not only in the United States but also in many other nations. Now ITIF is pleased to announce the release of a companion report, Digital Quality of Life: Understanding the Personal and Social Benefits of the Information Technology Revolution, which shows how IT is the key enabler of many, if not most, of today’s key innovations and improvements in our lives and society. For example, in the United States cities such as Philadelphia are using "smart" recycling bins embedded with RFID tags to track and reward residents for recycling and to greatly increase participation rates; in Kenya, the government launched an e-learning program to rapidly train over 22,000 nurses in the basic medical skills necessary to treat diseases such as HIV/AIDS, malaria, and tuberculosis; and in Korea, transportation managers have deployed a network of wireless sensors to ensure the safety of bridges throughout the country. The report details how IT is at the heart of driving change and improvement in the following thirteen areas:

· Education and Training
· Health Care
· Personal Safety
· Accessibility for People with Disabilities
· Recreation and Entertainment
· Access to Information
· Environment
· Energy
· Transportation
· Public Safety
· Government
· Communities
· Developing Nations

The report demonstrates how we are moving into a new and exciting stage of IT transformation where IT is “making the world alive with information” that will open up vast new opportunities for progress. To help policymakers understand how to best drive this progress for our nation’s future, the report lays out ten key policy principles.

The report was released on October 2, 2008 at an event in Washington, DC at the Library of Congress featuring remarks from Craig Mundie, Chief Research and Strategy Officer at Microsoft. Dr. Robert Atkinson, President of the Information Technology and Innovation Foundation (ITIF) provided a briefing on the report and the policy recommendations.

The full report is available online: https://exfs.adir.hull.ac.uk/exchweb/bin/redir.asp?URL=http://www.Swiftpage5.com/SpeClicks.aspx?Acc=ITIF.Mail%26SPCED=C081003010000%26LNK=1%26UId=4204

To learn more about the Information Technology and Innovation Foundation, please contact us:

Washington, DC 20005
E-mail: mail@innovationpolicy.org
Phone: 202- 449-1351

Request

One of my kind readers wrote: You are helping so many people, so many causes; is there anything that I/we can help you?

Well, there is.
I am intrigued by boundaries: Boundaries of liberty and tolerance (the title of my first academic book); boundaries of multiculturalism; boundaries of life and death; boundaries to free expression.

At present I am conducting research on the bounds of free expression on the Internet:
How do terrorists use the Net?
How do child pornographers use the Net;
Racism and hate mongering on the Internet;
Crime-facilitating speech on the Net (how to produce bombs; how to become successful assassins; how to rape and prepare the rape drug without being caught).
I also study governments’ responses to those problematic forms of expression on the Internet.

You obviously read. My request is simple: If you come across and read an article, news, opinion piece, anything pertinent on those troubling issues, please bring this information to my attention.
Thank you.


New Article

“The Six Day War – Interviews with Minister Ezer Weitzman and Abba Eban MK, Lessons and Insights””, Social Concerns in Israel, Vol. VI (summer 2008), pp. 172-213 (Hebrew).

This article is based on interviews with Ezer Weitzman and Abba Eban. Both explained the reasons for the eruption of the Six Day War. The analysis shows that it was a war that no one wanted. The energized Nasser, carried away by his own oratory, made a series of tragic decisions that resulted in war. Israel projected weakness that called for exploitation. Nasser thought he could master brinkmanship policy, but he failed and drove the region into flames. Negative parts were played by Secretary General of the UN, U-Tant, and the Soviet Union, although also they did not want war. It is argued that the Six Day War was a just war, as the closure of the Straits of Tiran constituted casus belli. United States, Britain and France, each for its own reasons, did not wish to intervene in the crisis. Israel was left to its own device, its leaders realized that it was incumbent upon them to resolve the crisis and to restore effective deterrence.

I truly enjoyed writing this article. It brought me back in time to my student days at Tel Aviv University, when I conducted the interviews with Weitzman and Eban. I especially enjoyed my two meetings with Weitzman, who "conquered" me with his explosive charisma. Later, I was saddened to hear about his financial tangle which brought the end of his tenure as President of Israel.

As ever, I’d be more than happy to email the article to interested parties. This piece is in Hebrew.

Annual Ben Halpern Award for Best Dissertation in Israel Studies

The Association for Israel Studies annually awards the Ben Halpern Award for the best doctoral dissertation submitted during that calendar year in the study of the yishuv, Zionism, and the state of Israel. This award honors the memory of Ben Halpern, a founding member of the Board of Directors of the Association for Israel Studies. His book, The Idea of the Jewish State, was a seminal contribution to the study of Zionism. For many years an inspiring teacher at Brandeis University, Halpern left a powerful and distinctive intellectual legacy including a commitment to study Israeli society according to rigorous scholarly and scientific norms.

Dissertations must be nominated by two recommenders familiar with the candidate's work. The recommenders are expected to explain the work's contribution to the study of the yishuv, Zionism, or the state of Israel. A copy of the dissertation and the letters of recommendation should be sent to each member of the Halpern Dissertation Award committee. The deadline for submissions is Dec. 31, 2008.

The committee:
Dr. Arieh Saposnik (Chair)
Arizona State University
Arieh.Saposnik@asu.edu

Dr. Arye Naor
Ben Gurion University of the Negev
anaor@som.bgu.ac.il

Dr. Oded Haklai
Queen's University
haklai@post.queensu.ca

Dr. Liora Sion
Northwestern University
Sociology Department
1808 Chicago Avenue
Evanston, IL. 60208
Tel. 847-491-5536


SHAPIRO BEST BOOK PRIZE
Annual Shapiro Award for Best Book in Israel Studies 2008

The Association for Israel Studies annually awards the Shapiro prize for the best book in Israel Studies published during the calendar year. This award honors the memory of Yonathan Shapiro (1929-1997), one of Israel’s most distinguished and influential sociologists, by recognizing outstanding scholarship in the history, politics, society and culture of Israel and pre-1948 Jewish Palestine. The Shapiro Award Committee will consider books in either English or Hebrew, in the social sciences and the humanities, published in 2008. Only research monographs (but not collection of articles), will be considered. The prize committee will not consider books translated from Hebrew into English and vice versa, if the original book was published prior to the year of the competition. However, it will consider books first published in other languages and then published in English or Hebrew in the year of the competition.

Submission can be made by either the author or the publisher. Please have a copy of the book sent to each committee member by January 15, 2009. The committee will consider books by paid up AIS members only.

The Committee
Dr. Ilan Troen, Brandeis University (Chair)
Schusterman Center for Israel Studies
MS 060
Brandeis University
Waltham, MA 02454
USAtroen@brandeis.edu

Dr. Glenda Abramson, University of Oxford
Professor of Hebrew and Jewish Studies
University of Oxford
Oriental Institute
Pusey Lane
Oxford OX1 2LE
glenda.abramson@stx.ox.ac.uk

Dr. Assaf Likhovski, Tel Aviv University
Faculty of Law
Tel Aviv University
Ramat Aviv, Tel Aviv 69978
Israelmailto:%20likhovsk@post.tau.ac.il


New Books

Coinciding with Jörg Haider's death,

The Politics of Exclusion: Debating Migration in Austria
By Michal Krzyzanowski, Ruth Wodak
Published by Transaction Publishers, 2008
ISBN 1412808367, 9781412808361
342 pages
http://books.google.com/books/transaction?id=V3qXaV9EYREC&dq=Politics+of+Exclusion&source=gbs_summary_s&cad=0


The Developing World and State Education:
Neoliberal Depredation and Egalitarian Alternatives

Edited by Dave Hill and Ellen Rosskam
Neoliberalism has had a major impact on schooling and education in the developing World, with social repercussions that have affected the salaries of teachers, the number and type of potential students, the availability of education, the cost of education, and more. This edited collection argues that the privatization of public services and the capitalization and commodification of education have resulted in the establishment of competitive markets that are marked by selection, exclusion and inequality.

The contributors - academics and organization/social movement activists - examine aspects of neoliberal arguments focusing on low- and middle-income countries (including Chile, Mexico, Argentina, Venezuela, China, Pakistan, India, Turkey, Burkina Faso, Mozambique and South Africa), and suggest where they fall short. Their arguments center around the assumption that education is not a commodity to be bought and sold, as education and the capitalist market hold opposing goals, motivations, methods, and standards of excellence.

November 2008
224 pgs, 6 illustrations, 13 tables, 8 photos
HB: 978-0-415-95776-2

Making Rights Real: The Human Rights Act in its First Decade
Ian Leigh and Roger Masterman

Ten years after the passing of the Human Rights Act 1998, it is timely to evaluate the Act's effectiveness. The focus of Making Rights Real is on the extent to which the Act has delivered on the promise to 'bring rights home'. To that end the book considers how the judiciary, parliament and the executive have performed in the new roles that the Human Rights Act requires them to play and the courts' application of the Act in different legal spheres. This account cuts through the rhetoric and controversy surrounding the Act, generated by its champions and detractors alike, to reach a measured assessment. The true impact in public law, civil law, criminal law and on anti-terrorism legislation are each considered. Finally, the book discusses whether we are now nearer to a new constitutional settlement and to the promised new 'rights culture'.

Ian Leigh and Roger Masterman are, respectively, Professor of Law and Lecturer in Law at Durham University. Both are members of the Durham Human Rights Centre.

Aug 08 310pp Hbk 9781841133539 £40 / €60
Discount rate to e-mail list subscribers: £36 / €54

Global Terrorism 2nd Edition
J.M. Lutz and B.J. Lutz
July 2008: 246x189: 360pp
Pb: 978-0-415-77247-1: £21.99

Global Terrorism, 2nd edition continues to provide students with the most comprehensive introduction to terrorism as a global phenomenon. It introduces students to history, politics, ideologies and strategies of both contemporary and older terrorist groups beyond the Middle East and Islamic groups. In addition to examples involving religious factions from all the worlds’ religions there are examples of ethnic, ideological, state terrorism and cases with complex characteristics.

Written in a clear and accessible style, each chapter explains a different aspect of terrorism and illustrates this with a wide variety of detailed case studies from across the world. Although the focus is on the contemporary, the book also includes discussion of older terrorist groups such as ETA.

Author Biography
James M. Lutz is Professor of Political Science at Indiana University-Purdue University at Fort Wayne. He has long been interested in various types of political violence.
Brenda J. Lutz is a PhD candidate at the Department of Politics, University of Dundee, Scotland, focusing on violence in the animal rights movement and factory farming.

Internet Governance: The new frontier of global institutions
By John Mathiason
Price: $28.95

· ISBN: 978-0-415-77403-1
· Binding: Paperback (also available in Hardback)
· Published by: Routledge
· Publication Date: 30th July 2008
· Pages: 200

About the Book
The expansion of the Internet has been called the most revolutionary development in the history of human communications. It is ubiquitous and is changing politics, economics and social relations. Its borderless nature affects the roles of individuals, the magic of the marketplace and the problems of government regulation. As its development has increased apace, contradictions have arisen between existing regulatory regimes, private interests, government concerns, international norms and national interests. Unlike most areas where there are global institutions, and the role of governments is predominant, the Internet is a field where the private sector and civil society each have a role as important – or sometimes more important – than governments.

Based on international regime theory, this book analyses how the multi-stakeholder institutions have grown along with the Internet itself. Starting with an examination of how communications were regulated under the Westphalian system, John Mathiason shows how governance of the Internet started as a technical issue but became increasingly political as the management of critical resources began to conflict with other international regimes.

Table of Contents
Introduction 1. What is the Internet and what is governance? 2. Before the Internet: communications and its regulation through history 3. The non-state actors: engineers, entrepreneurs and netizens 4. Solving the domain name problem: Internet governance is born 5. Regulatory imperatives for Internet governance: downloading music, free speech, You-tube, porn, and crime and terrorism 6. The ICANN experiment 7. Multi-stakeholderism emerges from the World Summit on the Information Society 8. The IGF experiment begins 9. What does the frontier look like?

About the Author(s)
John Mathiason is Professor International Relations at the Maxwell School of Citizenship and Public Affairs of Syracuse University. A former official of the United Nations Secretariat, he is the author of Invisible Governance: International Secretariats in Global Politics and many articles on global governance.


University of Hull Summer School

In summer 2009, we will be running a 5-week credit-bearing International Summer School which is designed specifically for students who wish to deepen their understanding of the art, literature, history and politics of the UK. This exciting University of Hull UK Summer School includes courses on:
Dracula and the Cult of the Vampire
Wuthering Heights and the Brontes
Shakespeare and Renaissance Drama
Romance of the North: from Vikings to the Lakeland Poets
A Week in Politics: the British Political System
The University of Hull is ideally placed to explore the UK, and the Summer School includes trips to York, Whitby, Haworth, Stratford upon Avon, the English Lake District, London and the Houses of Parliament, and the stately homes of the English Aristocracy.
So if you want to see for yourself what life is like in the UK and learn about its culture and history, then look no further than the University of Hull UK Summer School.
For further details,
http://www.hull.ac.uk/fass/students/uk_summer_school.html

Joke of the Month

Four Jewish brothers left home for college, and they became successful doctors and lawyers, and prospered. Some years later, they chatted after having dinner together. They discussed the gifts that they were able to give to their elderly mother who lived far away in another city.

The first said, 'I had a big house built for Mama.'

The second said, 'I had a hundred thousand dollar theater built in the house.'The third said, 'I had my Mercedes dealer deliver her an SL600 with a chauffeur.'The fourth said, 'Listen to this. You know how Mama loved reading the Torah and you know she can't anymore because she can't see very well. I met this Rabbi who told me about a parrot that can recite the entire Torah. It took twenty rabbis 12 years to teach him. I had to pledge to contribute $100,000 a year for twenty years to the temple, but it was worth it. Mama just has to name the chapter and verse and the parrot will recite it.

The other brothers were impressed.
After the holidays Mom sent out her Thank You notes. She wrote:

Milton Bubelle, The house you built is so huge. I live in only one room, but I have to clean the whole house. Thanks anyway.

Marvin Main Shene Kinde, I am too old to travel. I stay home, I have my groceries delivered, so I never use the Mercedes...and the driver you hired is a Nazi. The thought was good. Thanks.

Menachim Tataleh, You give me an expensive theater with Dolby sound, it could hold 50 people, but all my friends are dead, I've lost my hearing and I'm nearly blind. I'll never use it. Thank you for the gesture just the same.

Dearest Melvin, You were the only son to have the good sense to give a little thought to your gift. The chicken was delicious. Thank you!

And thank you, Bertha Skladman, for sharing this.

With my very best wishes for a beautiful colourful season,

Yours as ever,




My last communications are available on http://almagor.blogspot.com/
Earlier posts at my home page: http://hcc.haifa.ac.il/~rca/ <http://hcc.haifa.ac.il/~rca/>

People wishing to subscribe to this Monthly Newsletter are welcome to e-mail me at rafi.almagor@wilsoncenter.org

Thursday, September 25, 2008

Politics – September 2008

"You know the difference between a hockey mom and a pit bull? Lipstick!" - Sarah Palin

Contrary to common wisdom, dreamers can affect reality - Raphael Cohen-Almagor

An Essay on Don Quixote, Sancho Panza, Kadima (Forward) and Other Concerns

In memory of Abie Nathan, a truly passionate and caring human being.

Abie Nathan 1927-2008 -- Daniel Friedman -- Tzipi Livni -- Shaul Mofaz -- Olmert’s Legacy -- Jerusalem – A City of Gold and Tears -- Israelis on the Middle East -- International Religious Freedom Report 2008 -- Jenin, Jenin -- Sarah Palin -- Five Former U.S. Secretaries of State Support Talks with Iran -- Indigenous Children in Brazil -- International Day of Peace -- New Article -- New Books -- Inaugural Washington Institute Book Prizes Awarded -- New Resource on Israel -- Movie of the Month – Trade (2007) -- Wise-ass Lines -- My New Contact Details -- Shana Tova


Abie Nathan 1927-2008

Abie Nathan, a man of peace who dedicated his life to the pursuit of peace, died on August 27, 2008 in Tel Aviv. He was 81. Abie was a dreamer, a believer in the human capacity to change things for the better, and above all – a doer.

Abie was a complex man who insisted on living his life as he saw fit. He was a remarkable, exceptional man, who in many respects paved the way to many peace activists who are not willing to pay the price he paid for his beliefs. Abie literally dedicated his life, his fortune, his time, his energies, to promote peace in our troubled region, and to relieve suffering wherever suffering occurred. For over thirty years, this very special man spread his ideas, collecting money with the help of international organisations and set up refugee camps for the victims of earthquakes, hunger and war in South America, Africa and Asia. In Israel he contributed to many organizations, in particular the Cancer Association, Ilan (Foundation for handicapped children), and Yad Sarah (an Israel-wide network of volunteers aiding disabled, elderly, and housebound people).

Abraham Jacob Nathan was born April 29, 1927 in Iran, educated in India, and served in the Royal Air Force as a fighter pilot, before immigrating to Israel during the 1948 War of Independence and joining the IDF's fledgling Air Force.

Abie burst onto the world of Middle East diplomacy in 1966 with a dramatic solo flight to Egypt in a rattletrap single-engine plane, more than a decade before Israel and Egypt signed a peace treaty. He wanted to break the deadlock between the two hostile countries and thought this Don Quixote act will break the ice. The amazed Egyptians returned the adventurous pilot to Israel.

He continued his campaign for peace later that year with trips to Europe, the United States and the Soviet Union, where he met with world leaders such as Pope John Paul VI and Senator Robert Kennedy, and intellectuals like Jean Paul Sartre and Bertrand Russell.

Although he failed in his initial bid to talk peace with the Egyptians, his daredevil escapade won the affection of many Israelis and launched a long and often eccentric one-man crusade to end the Arab-Israeli conflict.

In the 1970s, Nathan went on repeated hunger strikes to try to force the Israeli government to make concessions for peace with Egypt and talk to the Palestine Liberation Organization.

Abie was an incredibly courageous man, guided only by his conscience. On May 19, 1973, his boat “The Voice Of Peace” anchored 25 km off the coast of Israel, aired its first broadcast and was heard around the Middle East. The broadcasts included musical programmes, talks about actual events and served as a platform for dialogue about any topic with emphasis on proper language and lack of violence. In 1973, when the Yom Kippur War broke out, Abie sailed to Egypt and docked opposite Port Said calling for a cease fire and a dialogue. After the war ended, Abie sailed to Marseilles when the ship was in great need of repair and funds. He stayed in Europe for a year and a half.

On February 3, 1975, Abie went on a hunger strike in N.Y. to protest against the violence inflected upon Jews by Arab terrorists in the Israeli town of Ma'alot, the bombing by Israeli planes of Lebanon and the arms shipments to the Middle East. On June 5, 1975, Abie requested permission to sail the Suez Canal to promote peace in the region and was refused. The ship turned back to her position opposite Tel Aviv and continued its broadcasts. In September of that year Abie sailed to Egypt loaded with thousands of flowers and tried to approach the coasts of Port Said. He was detained and expelled.

Abie was all over the place. Whenever you heard of a place on the planet that was hit by some sort of natural disaster, you could always rest assured that Abie would come to the rescue, raising funds and mobilizing help for the afflicted. Abie, as a true Don Quixote, had no qualms to take upon himself the responsibility of governments. For instance, In January 1976, Abie raised donations for children hospitals in Israel and Gaza. On February 12, 1976, Abie flew to Guatemala to help rebuild the town of Sanarate that was destroyed in an earthquake. He purchased food and 100,000 chocolate bars and distributed them in twenty-five villages that were damaged. With the help of some Jewish organizations, he purchased ninety-five machines to produce bricks, cement trucks and other equipment, which assisted in building about nine hundred homes. What was left was used to restore other villages.

The amazing Abie was relentless. In January 1979 he appealed to the Israeli government to accept four hundred Vietnamese war refugee orphans as a gesture of good will and a symbolic moral act to show the nations of the world that even though they refused to accept the Holocaust survivors after World War II, the Jewish people acted differently. The government approved the acceptance of one hundred refugees and Abie helped in their integration. When the Egyptian-Israeli peace agreement was signed, the ecstatic Abie organized a celebration in Tel Aviv municipal square and raised donations for hospitals in Egypt and Israel. In October 1979, when Abie heard about the horrors of the genocide in Cambodia, he purchased food in Bangkok and distributed it in villages on the border of Cambodia and Thailand. Then he proceeded to the USA to collect donations and received aid from the US government.

And so this journey of one man who not only talked continued.

Abie helped people in Ethiopia, in Colombia, in the Arab world, in Israel. Wherever there was immense suffering, Abie was there to help with the resources he was able to raise, single-handedly. A caring, passionate, true-humanitarian. Just imagine if there would have been one hundred Abies among us. This world would have looked positively different, very different.

Abie was never the darling of the establishment as he would not follow any common standards or accepted guidelines and norms. Over time, Abie earned a reputation as a maverick peace activist who often took diplomacy into his own hands. He was called a crackpot and a prophet. But many, including myself, admired the daring of the lone fighter for world peace and human understanding as he pounded on Egypt's doors, sailed his pirate radio ship “The Voice of Peace” into hostile Middle East waters or risked his life on numerous hunger strikes for peace.

In 1978, Abie began an indefinite hunger-strike protesting the building of Jewish settlements in the occupied West Bank and the Gaza Strip. The fast ended 45 days later after the Israeli Parliament, under media pressure, met in the Knesset, specifically to come to a resolution on the matter. The only thing resolved was an appeal by the government to Abie to end his strike.

In a 1996 interview Abie said that during one of his prison hunger strikes, he was certain he was going to die. He bought a grave and a tombstone. When asked what he would want written on the stone, he replied ''Nissiti,'' the Hebrew word for ''I tried.''

I met Abie a few times. He was not an easy person. He wanted things his way, and would erupt if people were slow to understand or do what he wanted of them. As a young person who used to listen to “The Voice of Peace” as I liked the music, and the ideas invoked in the programs, I visited the radio station offices in Tel Aviv. Abie was lightning and thunder, a busy ball of energy. Abie and I shared a common passion and love for Tel Aviv. I saw him in the coffee shops and restaurants we both attended. The last years of his life Abie was not well. I made a motion to the President of the University of Haifa to nominate him for an honorary doctorate. I campaigned for Abie and was truly disappointed when my university declined the motion. I thought Abie well deserved this honour, and I wanted to lift his morale. It would have been a small token of recognition and appreciation for a man who dreamed, who believed, who dared, who acted, who lived for peace. No other person in Israel embodied the zeal for peace as Abie did.

May his soul rest in peace, his spirit live forever, and his yearning fulfilled.

Sources: Ynet and AP (August 27, 2008); http://www.abie-nathan.com/pages-eng/main.html; http://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/jsource/biography/AbieNathan.html ; http://www.icce.rug.nl/~soundscapes/DATABASES/VOP/vop01.shtml

Daniel Friedman

I was asked, yet again, what I think about Daniel Friedman.

If the above story is the story of Don Quixote, the following story is of Sancho Panza.

Friedman is the most innovative Minister of Justice in the history of Israel. He was nominated as a professional without party affiliation by Prime Minister Olmert on a single ticket, for a clear purpose: Weaken the justice system while strengthening the government and the legislature. From the moment he entered into office, until the moment he will exit the office, Friedman tirelessly does just that. It is the first time in the history of this ministry that the minister does not protect the best interests of the justice system and acts as a proxy of the prime minister in the ministry. In the case of Olmert, it is quite handy to have a biased, loyal servant to undermine investigations piled against you for corruption. Sancho Panza is there to attack the Legal Advisor to the Government for insisting on uncovering every piece of information relating to Olmert’s financial conduct. Sancho Panza is there to attack the police for its probe of Olmert’s relationships with business people who showered him with gifts because they “liked” him.

There are different ways to bring about changes, and Friedman is as gentle in introducing the changes as a wounded bear caught in a net. As he never forgave President of the Supreme Court, Dorit Beinish, for blocking the way of Professor Nili Cohen, his close friend, to the Supreme Court, Friedman had no interest from the beginning to cooperate with the Court in his initiatives. The result is that the Minister of Justice and the President of the Supreme Court do not communicate with each other. They do their best to ignore one another. When they are forced to sit on the same platform, their mutual resentment provides food and icy photos for the media. It is unpleasant. It damages the best interests of the justice system. It undermines the Supreme Court’s position in the public eye. Friedman, a man with a purpose and vengeance, does not care.
I presume that some of Friedman’s initiatives can perceived to be positive. But the tone, the way, the attitude make most of his conduct problematic. Would you listen to a person who screams his lungs out even words of wisdom? Friedman seems to believe that he invented the wheel, that he knows better, that he needs not consult anybody, that he can simply barge in and make things his way. I call such people peacocks: large bragging feathers, tall head to look down on others, yet the head is quite tiny. Friedman might be a clever person. He is certainly not wise.
You may ask me how damaging Friedman might be in the long run. Well, Friedman believes in law. Laws are such that they can be amended. As he amends the laws now to weaken the justice system, so the laws can be amended again to strengthen the system, and I know that the tide will change, and new winds will blow in the government, and in the justice ministry; I hope soon. Friedman has inflicted a lot of damage with his conduct and prose, some of which might be irreversible. The good news is that his days at the ministry are numbered. With Olmert, Friedman will go as well, and the justice system will loudly voice a huge sigh of relief. Hurricane Daniel will pass, and good people will come in to reassemble the pieces.

Tzipi Livni

On September 17, 2008 “Kadima” held its primaries. The main contenders were Livni and former Chief of Staff Shaul Mofaz. Mofaz organized his campaign as a general, investing many long months in visiting communities and recruiting supporters. His tremendous efforts almost paid off. However, the crucial consideration for many “Kadima” voters was one: Who could lead the party to success in elections? Who is perceived by the Israeli electorate as most suitable to be prime minster? On this sole criterion, Livni seems more likely to win against Bibi.

Livni beat Mofaz by a margin of 431 votes, a difference of 1.1 percent. Livni garnered 43.1 percent (16,936 votes) to Mofaz's 42 percent (16,505). As for the other two contenders, Meir Sheetrit received 8.5% (3,327 votes) and Avi Dichter 6.5% (2,563 votes). Voter turnout in the primary stood at 55 percent.

The new chairman of Kadima, Tzipi Livni, said in her victory speech in reference to her primary opponents - Ministers Mofaz, Avi Dichter, and Meir Sheetrit - "they were rivals of the moment, but together we have one mission. Together we will create government stability." She now intends to "meet with the members of the Knesset factions in order to form a coalition."

Livni’s recipe in politics is simple: say little, don’t be controversial, do your work quietly without evoking controversy, be clean, depict yourself as responsible and your way will be paved upwards. The Teflon Lady’s career has been remarkable. I wish her much success in her job, with responsibility and far-sightedness.

Livni graduated from the Bar Ilan University Faculty of Law, and practiced public and commercial law for ten years. She is married to Naftali Spitzer and has two children, Omri and Yuval.

Livni is the daughter of a member of the Etzel underground, a close friend of Menachem Begin. This connection paved her way to the Likud party. She was elected to the Knesset in 1999, and after the Likud assumed power in 2001, Livni was appointed Minister of Regional Cooperation, and later was Minister of Agriculture and Rural Development, Minister of Immigrant Absorption and Minister of Housing and Construction. In October 2005, she was appointed Minister of Justice.

Livni was a key supporter of Ariel Sharon’s Disengagement Plan. Her political approach is based on compromise, and this has enabled her to score important successes. When the Likud party split over the disengagement plan, Livni was quick to join the new Kadima Party. When Ariel Sharon was incapacitated by a stroke, Ehud Olmert became Prime Minister and Livni became the number two leader in Kadima and the Israel government.

Before the elections of March 28, Livni was appointed Foreign Minister in the transition government. She continued to serve as Justice Minister. The dual posts resulted from the resignation of Likud members. She was given the third spot on the Kadima Knesset list, ensuring her election to the Knesset in Kadima's massive victory in March 2006.

On May 4, 2006, Livni became Deputy Prime Minister and retained the position of Foreign Minister, while resigning her post as Minister of Justice. Alone among leading government members, Livni escaped virtually unscathed from the massive wave of public criticism that followed the Israel-Hezbollah War, this despite the fact that she was the only foreign minister in the history of Israel who during war time preferred to remain in the country during most days of the war rather than representing the fighting nation abroad.

Livini has 42 days to form a new ruling coalition, and if she succeeds, she will become Israel's first female prime minister since Golda Meir stepped down in 1974. If she fails, the country will hold elections in early 2009, a year and a half ahead of schedule.

I was asked: What is the likelihood of Livni drawing Meretz into a coalition?

History has shown that prime ministers preferred the religious parties over the left. I do not think that anything has changed in this regard.

Hence, Livni's priority will be to ensure Shas first.

She will do her best to bolster her chance to become prime minister, hence she might approach other parties, including Meretz, also to show Labour that she has other options, in case Barak would not like to be taken for granted. However, experience has shown that Shas and Meretz is not a good combination, and that the two will not last together in the same boat for long.

Bibi, of course, is pushing for elections, saying "Let the people decide". At present, he is the leading candidate at the polls. Livni knows the momentum will be with her once she will begin serving as prime minister, provided she will be careful not to make colossal mistakes. As said, Livni is a very careful lady.
I thank Ami Isseroff for the biographical details.


Shaul Mofaz

A day after his loss, Mofaz announced he was taking "time out" from politics to consider his future. Mofaz did not publicly attack Livni but in private implied that her advisors, known as the "ranch forum," had brought him down. Mofaz felt betrayed by the way the elections were held and by the "mudslinging" of Livni's people.
Mofaz thanked his supporters as well as Kadima cabinet ministers and MKs. "I have no complaints against anyone - not even those who didn't vote for me," said Mofaz. "I have nothing against the ministers and MKs who supported other candidates, or against the system or the general atmosphere, the media, the pollsters - everyone followed their own agenda."
He said that the gap between the number of votes he and Livni received was razor-thin and that several lawyers advised him to appeal the results. But, he said, "I decided that the good of the country comes before my personal gain, especially during this time in which the government is being tossed around in stormy waters."
And no. I am not sad.

But a few days later, Mofaz announced that his “time out” is over and that he intends to return to politics. Mofaz is a thinker. Slow. Hesitant. Wind-like. Should he be in power positions?
Olmert’s Legacy

On September 21, 2008 Ehud Olmert announced to his government that he is resigning from office.

Olmert came to power with a promise. He spoke of convergence, of dismantling settlements, of withdrawing the army, of reducing occupation and friction between the Israeli and Palestinian societies, of signing a peace agreement and of establishing a Palestinian state alongside Israel. This plan has been the aspiration of the Israeli left. The Kadima political platform resembled Meretz’s. For the first time, an elected prime minister spoke openly of viable solution to put an end to the bloody conflict. The dream was shuttered a few months later, when Olmert imprudently went into war with the Hezbollah. The results of this war were hundreds of people killed on both sides, thousands injured, hundred of thousands of refugees, deterioration of Israel’s deterrence, and the strengthening of the Hezbollah. In essence, since August 2006 Olmert was just biding time, surviving in office. He spent a significant amount of his precious time with his lawyers, preparing for his many investigations. I doubt whether a prime minister can function successfully under such a large cloud of suspicion for corruption.


Olmert’s legacy is likely to be threefold:

The person who, yet again, went to war in the north, sinking Israel yet again in the muddy and truculent waters of Lebanon, bringing Iran close to our borders and weakening our security.
The person who gave new meaning to irresponsible personal favours from businessmen (next on the agenda, the relationship between Aliza Olmert’s art exhibitions and affluent business men).
Lastly, Olmert is the person who launched a vicious, uncompromising campaign against the Supreme Court, aiming to weaken it and to establish an unbalanced separation of powers: A strong government, a struggling Knesset, and a puny Supreme Court that will cease to intervene in the business of government.

The three architects of the most unnecessary war in the history of Israel are now out of office. Dan Halutz was first to leave, followed by Amir Peretz (I hope and trust his political career is over), and the first among equals, Olmert. It took more than two years since I started my campaign to see the failing prime minister ousted. On this we say: Better late than never.


Jerusalem – A City of Gold and Tears

A man enters his vehicle and drives into a group of Israelis with the aim to kill. This is the latest terrorist fashion in Israel. This is now the third time such an incident takes place. All were in Jerusalem. All carried out by Israeli Arabs, residents of East Jerusalem. All had no known association with a terrorist group. Sporadic and isolated acts that are very difficult to forestall.

On September 22, 2008, 19-year-old Qassem al-Mughrabi, a resident of Al Farouk neighborhood, drove his car into a crowd of Israel Defense Forces soldiers at a busy Jerusalem intersection. Seventeen people were wounded in the incident, mainly soldiers on their way to the Western Wall to mark the upcoming Jewish New Year. Al-Mughrabi was shot dead by one of the soldiers in the group he targeted.
This is the sixth in Jerusalem since the beginning of the year.


Israelis on the Middle East

The August 2008 War and Peace Index published by Prof. Ephraim Yaar and Prof. Tamar Hermann is a particularly interesting one. It deals in the main with how Israelis perceive their region.

The world of images that the concept “Middle East” arouses in the Israeli Jewish population is mainly negative and includes adverse opinions, perceptions, and emotions. Of all the words the interviewees quickly came up with, 61% had negative connotations, 20% neutral, and 19% positive. As expected, the negatively weighted words were mainly related to war, terrorism, and Islam. These came along with expressions of a general, colorful nature such as: “a nutcase region,” “a shitty place,” “a morass,” “I can’t take any more of it,” “God help us,” and “What the hell are we doing here?” On the positive side, most common were words expressing an aspiration to peace. The neutral words mainly related to names of countries (Egypt, Jordan, Iran) or relevant continents (Africa, Asia) and to the climate (hot, drought).

Given this negative tendency, it comes as no surprise that a majority of the Jewish public not only does not believe Israel will succeed in the coming decades to integrate into the Middle East politically (71%), economically (52%), or culturally (59%), but also is not interested in doing so, clearly preferring integration with the West (Europe-United States) in all three spheres. In the political sphere, 63% are interested in integrating with the West vs. 28% who are interested in integrating with the Middle East; in the economic sphere—74% vs. 18%; and in the cultural sphere— 69% vs. 15%. A comparison with data collected on these questions about a decade ago (February 1995), that is, in the early stages of the Oslo process, shows that the tendency to prefer integration with the West over integration with the East has strengthened, most likely as a result of the failure of the peace process.

In response to a question concerning which of the three cultures— Western, Jewish, or Arab—one feels closest to, over two-thirds said they felt closest to the Jewish culture (64%) compared to 31% who felt closest to the Western culture. Only a tiny minority (2%) felt closest to the Arab culture.

The findings on the Israeli Arabs’ positions on these questions are particularly thought-provoking. Their world of images regarding the Middle East is more balanced—34% presented neutral words and images, 32% negative ones, and 34% positive ones. Here too, though, the majority prefers integration with the West (Europe-United States) and not with the Middle East. In the political sphere, 49.5% prefer integration with the West vs. 39% with the Middle East; in business and economy, 63% vs. 39%; and particularly surprising is the preference for the West over the East regarding cultural integration—49.5% vs. 23% (the rest, about one fourth, have no clear opinion on the issue). Yet, when asked about their closeness to one of three cultures that were mentioned, an overwhelming majority of 88% said they felt especially close to the Arab culture, 7% to the Jewish culture, and 4% to the Western culture (the rest did not know).

People who feel that they do not belong in their region will never feel comfortable in their region, and will never be accepted in their region. This is unsurprisingly another bad piece of news for Israel. Israelis would rather have the Dutch, the Italians and the New Zealanders as their neighbours. This, however, will never happen. Not in Israel.


International Religious Freedom Report 2008

The US Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor released its most recent report and I wish to highlight some of its findings regarding Israel.
The 2008 Annual Report on International Religious Freedom, is an annual survey prepared by the U.S. State Department’s Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor. The report documents “the actions of governments---those that repress religious expression, persecute believers, and tolerate violence against religious minorities, as well as those that protect and promote religious freedom.”

Section I. Religious Demography

Based on its pre-1967 borders, the country has an area of 7,685 square miles and a population of 7.3 million, of which 5.5 million are Jewish, 1.5 million are Arabs, and 320,000 are classified as "other"--mostly persons from the former Soviet Union who immigrated under the Law of Return but who did not qualify as Jews according to the Orthodox Jewish definition or the definition used by the Government for civil procedures. According to figures from the Central Bureau of Statistics for 2005, the latest year such information was available, 7 percent of the Jewish population are Haredi, 10 percent are Orthodox, 38 percent describe themselves as "traditionally observant" or "traditional," and 45 percent describe themselves as "secular" Jews, most of whom observed some Jewish traditions. A growing but still small number of traditional and secular Jews associate themselves with the Conservative, Reform, and Reconstructionist streams of Judaism, which are not officially recognized for purposes of civil and personal status matters involving their adherents. Although the Government does not officially recognize them, these streams of Judaism received a small amount of government funding and were recognized by the courts. There is a small but growing community of approximately 10,000 Messianic Jews.

Slightly more than 20 percent of the population is non-Jewish, the vast majority of whom are ethnic Arabs. Of the non-Jewish population, Muslims constitute 16.5 percent, Christians 2.1 percent; Druze 1.7 percent; other religious groups 0.5 percent, including relatively small communities of, among others, Messianic Jews, Jehovah's Witnesses, and Bahai.

The Government reported that during 2007 it issued 88,500 permits for foreigners to work in the country, and estimated that another 84,000 illegal foreign workers reside in the country. Most foreign workers are Protestant, Roman Catholic, Orthodox Christian, Buddhist, Hindu, or Muslim.

Restrictions on Religious Freedom
Government policy continued to support the generally free practice of religion; however, an increase in societal abuses and discrimination contributed to a slight decline in respect for religious freedom during the reporting period. Specifically, societal abuses and discrimination increased against some evangelical Christian groups as well as Messianic Jews (persons who identify as Jews and follow Jewish traditions but who believe Jesus was the Messiah).

Many Jewish citizens objected to the exclusive control of the Orthodox establishment over Jewish marriages and other personal status matters, and to the absence of provision for civil marriage. Restrictions on movement and access to non-Jewish religious sites, as well as limits on funding and protection of those sites, also contributed to religious tensions.

Approximately 310,000 citizens--mostly immigrants from the former Soviet Union who immigrated under the Law of Return--were ineligible to marry in the country during the reporting period because they were not recognized as Jewish by Orthodox religious authorities. Jews wishing to marry in a non-Orthodox religious ceremony or wishing to marry someone of another faith had to do so abroad. The Ministry of the Interior recognizes such marriages only when performed abroad. According to the nongovernmental organization (NGO) New Family Organization, more than 5,000 couples marry in civil ceremonies abroad each year, most in Cyprus.

The 1967 Protection of Holy Sites Law protects all holy sites, but the Government implemented regulations only for Jewish sites. At the end of 2007 there were 136 designated holy sites, all of which were Jewish. The Holy Sepulcher and other well-known sites have de facto protection as a result of their international importance; however, community mosques, churches, and shrines often face threats from developers and municipalities that Jewish sites do not face. The Christian pilgrimage sites around the Sea of Galilee face regular threats of encroachment from district planners who want to use parts of their properties for recreation. In the past, only diplomatic interventions have forestalled such efforts.

The Reform and Conservative Movements
In May 2008 the first-ever state-funded Reform and Conservative synagogues were opened in Modi’in. This followed the High Court’s ruling in 2003 that it was permissible to use state funds for the construction of non-Orthodox synagogues. An agreement between the Government and the municipality of Modi’in resulted in the decision to provide state (but not municipal) funds for the construction and operation of non-Orthodox synagogues. Earlier in 2003, IRAC had petitioned the High Court on behalf of a Reform congregation in Modi'in to require that Modi'in municipality fund construction of a Reform synagogue.

Jewish-Arab Coexistence
Numerous NGOs in the country were dedicated to promoting Jewish-Arab coexistence and interfaith understanding. Their programs included events to increase productive contact between religious groups and to promote Jewish-Arab dialogue and cooperation. These groups and their events have had varying degrees of success. Interfaith dialogue often was linked to the peace process between Israelis and Palestinians and between the country and its Arab neighbors. A number of NGOs existed that sought to build understanding and create dialogue between religious groups and between religious and secular Jewish communities. Several examples were the Gesher Foundation (Hebrew for "bridge"); Meitarim, which operates a pluralistic Jewish-oriented school system; and the Interreligious Coordinating Council, which promoted interfaith dialogue among Jewish, Muslim, and Christian institutions. The Council of Religious Institutions of the Holy Land--comprised of the chief religious authorities of the area’s Jewish, Muslim, and Christian establishments--continued to meet during the reporting period in its effort to build religious support for peace between Israelis and Palestinians.
See http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/irf/2008/108484.htm


Jenin, Jenin

From the New York Times of September 12, 2008 I learned that the Palestinian State will emerge from Jenin. The newly trained and equipped Palestinian security officials have restored order. Israeli soldiers have pulled back from bases and are in close touch with their Palestinian colleagues. Civilians are planning economic cooperation — an industrial zone to provide thousands of jobs, mostly to Palestinians, and another involving organic produce grown by Palestinians and marketed in Europe by Israelis. Ministers from both governments have been visiting regularly, often joined by top international officials. Israeli Arabs are playing a key role.

The aim is to stand conventional wisdom on its head. Instead of a shaky negotiated peace treaty imposing coexistence from the top down, a bottom-up set of relationships that lock the two societies together should, proponents argue, lead to a real two-state solution.

“We got a clear American message that the Palestinian state will start from Jenin,” asserted Col. Radi Asideh, the deputy commander of the Palestinian security forces here who have recently received new Land Rovers and AK-47 assault rifles. “The plan is to have a security model that can then be implemented all over Palestine.”

Those may sound like the hopeful words of a credulous officer. But Gen. James L. Jones, special American envoy to the region said in an interview: “I see this as a kind of dress rehearsal for statehood, a crucible where the two sides can prove things to each other.”

Ehud Barak said: “So far, Jenin is a great success. The Palestinian police have created a different mood there. We need to see money being poured into projects now to keep the momentum going. If done right, we think this could become an example.”

The choice of Jenin as a model might seem strange given the level of violence that emanated from this city since 2000. As a result, the city and region of Jenin have been severely economically depressed and chaotic.

Today, militants have given up their arms and the police walk the beat in this town. The hospital has been refurbished with American aid. Shops downtown stay open late. People feel they can breathe.

Jenin, officials on all sides say, offers many advantages for a pilot project, an idea arrived at by American and European officials in February when they sought ways to build peace on the ground.

First, they said, Hamas, the main Palestinian militant opposition in the West Bank, is relatively weak in Jenin. Second, after the evacuation of four Israeli settlements in the region in 2005, the area is essentially free of settlers, a major source of friction elsewhere. Third, the barrier that Israel has been building causes little friction in this area because it is right on the boundary between Israel and the West Bank, not over it so there is little territorial dispute.


Sarah Palin

Sometimes I wonder whether she is part of the Obama campaign. I have less doubts about her capabilities to take the reigns in the event that McCain wins and then, for some reason, unable to continue to serve his country.

Five Former U.S. Secretaries of State Support Talks with Iran
Five former U.S. secretaries of state announced their support for talks with Iran, with all five saying the United States should not wait to launch diplomatic engagements with the Islamic Republic.
Madeleine K. Albright; James A. Baker, III; Warren Christopher; Henry A. Kissinger; and Colin L. Powell issued their support for talks during a roundtable discussion entitled "The Next President: A World of Challenges," held at Washington D.C.'s George Washington University.
Kissinger declared "I'm in favor of negotiating with Iran," noting that the main concern is whether a nuclear weapon could make its way into the hands of a non-state actor.
Albright also issued her support for talks, saying, "We need to engage with Iran. You have to deal with countries you have a problem with." Albright added that the issue is more serious because the war in Iraq has strengthened Iran. She also said the U.S. has an inaccurate view of Iranian society, saying, "[Iranian President Mahmoud] Ahmadinejad is not particularly popular, and we don't understand Iranian society, it's not monolithic."
Powell issued a harsh rebuke to those who would stonewall the Islamic Republic, saying, "we should start to talk to them and not wait till later. What are we afraid of?" The former head of the Joint Chiefs of Staff also said the U.S. could use economic aid as a means of thawing relations with Iran, adding, "I had one meeting with the Iranian Foreign Minister. I said to him: 'What's the major problem facing Iran today?' He said: 'We have a young population and we have to create jobs' - they have major economic problems; now that's something we can deal with."

Former Clinton administration secretary of state Warren Christopher highlighted U.S. military shortcomings in the need to pursue talks, saying, "We cannot afford not to have a dialogue, the military options are very poor."
The former secretaries of state also were asked who they endorsed for president, with James Baker III, secretary of state under George H.W. Bush's administration, issuing his support for John McCain and Albright saying "I'm supporting Senator Obama, it will send a message of diversity."
Powell said he hadn't yet decided who he's supporting because "there's too much talk about lipstick and pigs," adding, "we must move beyond issues of heroism or color, and ask, Who's going to have the best economic policy and bring the best judgment?"

Source: Natasha Mozgovaya, Haaretz 16/09/2008


Indigenous Children in Brazil

I was asked to post the following:
It's very serious the indigenous children situation in Brazil: they barely have (deficient) health care, there are a lot of cases of malnutrition, and infanticide and intentional killing of children is a common practice among some tribes. There are a lot of causes: close pregnancy, unhealthy and disabled children, gender preference, parent's death, twins birth, unmarried mother, unknown or ethnically different father. And the methods can be to bury alive, hitting, shooting by arrows, hanging, asphyxiation, food and water privation,
A polemical film about these practices has been launched recently, and I want to suggest that you to watch and discuss the theme: The film is available at http://www.hakani.org/en/premiere.asp You can get more information about documentary and watch more videos at the homepage: http://www.hakani.org/


International Day of Peace

World Peace Emerging is proud to announce a special report about the International Day of Peace, just in time for Peace Day, September 21, 2008. This 95 page, full color digital magazine is packed with event calendars and articles about peace building strides being made around the world. There are events in every major city on earth. Peace Day Magazine is yours, FREE - a gift to help spread awareness and understanding about the great peace work happening today.

Over 3500 groups and organizations hold events during the month of September, honoring Peace Day and bringing publicity to their work. It is our hope that this digital magazine will bring thousands of new people into these organizations to expand their reach. You can help by forwarding this email to your friends and contacts.

We also have a banner link that you can use on your blog or website, to offer Peace Day Magazine to your readers. Please email me at
peaceday@worldpeaceemerging.com for the image and link. This is what it looks like.

Please let us know how many you send out to, so that we can keep track of how far we have reached, and measure the results it has brought. I will send you a free copy of our award winning (digital) book, "The Rise of Biodiesel" as a thank you, just for helping us to promote Peace Day Magazine!
Many blessings,

Saphir Lewis
World Peace Emerging
PO Box 765
Everson, WA 98247
360-966-4683 http://www.worldpeaceemerging.com/ ; http://www.peacedaymagazine.com/


New Article

R. Cohen-Almagor and Sharon Haleva-Amir, “The Israel-Hezbollah War and the Winograd Committee”, Journal of Parliamentary and Political Law, Vol. II;1 (2008), pp. 27-44.

On July 12, 2006, the Hezbollah terrorist organization attacked two Israeli Defense Forces' armored Hummer jeeps patrolling along the border with gunfire and explosives, in the midst of massive shelling attacks on Israel's north. Three soldiers were killed in the attack and two were taken hostage. Hezbollah leader Sheikh Hassan Nasrallah said: "No military operation will return the Israeli captured soldiers... The prisoners will not be returned except through one way: indirect negotiations and a trade of prisoners". Later that day, four IDF soldiers were killed when their tank hit a mine some six kilometers inside Lebanese territory.

The Israeli Defence Forces (IDF) began heavy artillery and tank fire. Israel Air Force jets struck roads, bridges and Hezbollah guerrilla positions in southern Lebanon. The air raids were intended to block any escape route for the guerrillas who may be taking the captured IDF soldiers to areas further removed from the border in order to prevent an Israeli rescue mission. But this was too late. The information about the kidnapping had arrived considerable time after fact, when the abductors were well inside Lebanon. The destructive airstrike could not halt the abductors. It only fueled the escalation.

Prime Minister Ehud Olmert convened the government on Wednesday night, June 12, 2006 to decide Israel’s reaction. The government agreed that the attack had created a completely new situation on the northern border, and that Israel must take steps that will "exact a price", and restore its deterrence. Olmert rejected Hezbollah's demand that Israel redeem the kidnapped soldiers' freedom by releasing Lebanese and Palestinian terrorists jailed in Israel.

That night, Israel responded by bombarding bridges in central Lebanon and attacking Hezbollah positions along the border. The Hezbollah did not blink and retaliated on July 13, 2006 with Katyusha rockets across northern Israel. One person was killed and dozens were wounded. In Nahariya, a woman died when a rocket struck her home. Another 29 people were injured, including a number of children. Most of the casualties were lightly wounded; one person sustained serious wounds. At least eleven people were wounded when another barrage of Katyusha rockets fired from Lebanon struck the northern town of Safed.

The Israeli-Hezbollah War ended on August 14, 2006 when the UN Security Council Resolution (no. 1701) entered into force. In the 34 days of fighting, 153 Israelis were killed. Thirty six of them were civilians, killed as a result of the rockets campaign. 119 of them were soldiers, killed in Israel and in Lebanon. 3,970 rockets were fired on Israel, an average of 120 rockets a day. Many of those rockets hit buildings, caused damage and cost lives. About 2,000 people were injured; many of them suffered shock and anxieties. The estimated damage was more than five billion shekels. On the Lebanese side the figures are contested. The Hezbollah claims that he had suffered about 250 casualties. Israel has estimated its forces killed 600 Hezbollah fighters. A UN official estimated the deaths at 500; Lebanese officials had also estimated that up to 500 fighters were killed and another 1,500 injured. According to the Report of the Commission of Inquiry on Lebanon pursuant to Human Rights Council resolution S-2/1, 1,191 Lebanese citizens were killed during the war and 4,409 citizens were injured.

During the war, voices of protest were heard in Israel, mainly from reserve service soldiers, and journalists. Distinguished writers such as A.B. Yehoshua, Amos Oz and David Grossman, who had later bereaved his own son, called for the government to avoid the expansion of the military operations and move from the martial arena to the political arena. After the war, thousands of people have criticized the government decisions, demanded the establishment of a national inquiry committee to investigate the war events and, called for the resignation of the war architects: Prime Minister Ehud Olmert, Minister of Defence Amir Peretz, and Chief of Staff Dan Halutz.

This article criticizes the establishment of the committee and the results it reached, arguing that it was a “sold game”: The person under investigation should never be allowed to nominate his judges. This is mockery of justice, and travesty of social responsibility.

As always, I’d be happy to email the article to interested parties.


New Books

Diffie, Whitfield, Susan Landau, Privacy on the Line: the politics of wiretapping and encryption (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 2007).
Description: xvii, 472 p.: ill., map; 24 cm.
ISBN: 9780262042406 (hardcover : alk. paper)
0262042401 (hardcover : alk. paper)

Heyman, Steven J., Free Speech and Human Dignity (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2008).

Paust, Jordan J., Beyond the Law: The Bush Administration’s Unlawful Responses in the “War” on Terror (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 2007).
PRICE = £17.99.

Pavlik, John Vernon, Media in the Digital Age (New York: Columbia University Press, 2008).


Inaugural Washington Institute Book Prizes Awarded


from - http://www.washingtoninstitute.org/templateC11.php?CID=495

The Siege of Mecca, Yaroslav Trofimov's gripping account of the takeover of Islam's holy shrine in 1979, garnered the Gold Medal -- and a $30,000 cash award -- in The Washington Institute's inaugural Book Prize competition, the research institution announced on September 20, 2008.
The Book Prize, established to highlight new nonfiction books on the Middle East, is among the world's most lucrative literary awards. Winners were announced before an audience of more than 300 journalists, diplomats, scholars, and members of the Institute's Board of Trustees at the organization's annual Weinberg Founders Conference in Leesburg, Virginia.
In addition to the top winner, two other books were recognized as well -- Silver Medal winner ($15,000) Foxbats over Dimona, by Isabella Ginor and Gideon Remez, the provocative account of how nuclear politics triggered the Six Day War; and Bronze Medal winner ($5,000) Worlds at War, by Anthony Pagden, a sweeping look at the two-millennia-old contest between East and West.

Winners were chosen by a three-person jury that included eminent Middle East historian Bernard Lewis, Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist Jim Hoagland, and acclaimed scholar of American foreign policy Michael Mandelbaum.
"The goal of our Book Prize is to help Americans -- from the White House to the average home -- identify what they need to read in order be informed about the world's most volatile region," said Institute executive director Dr. Robert Satloff. "It is a new but essential way for The Washington Institute to fulfill its mission of injecting scholarship into U.S. Middle East policymaking."

Winners of the 2008 Washington Institute Book Prize

Gold Prize: $30,000The Siege of MeccaYaroslav Trofimov (Doubleday)Prize Jury Commendation:"When armed men mainly from Saudi Arabia seized the Grand Mosque in Mecca and held it for two bloody weeks in 1979, they shook the foundations of the Saudi regime. Yaroslav Trofimov's riveting account of the siege, the incompetent bumbling of the Saudis, the incomprehension of the Carter administration, and the bloody climax reads like a thriller. But this book is much more: it is a penetrating look at the clash of materialist mania and Islamic zealotry that rumbles deep within the kingdom. Trofimov has pieced together long-hidden aspects of the story through painstaking research, often under difficult and even dangerous circumstances. Our understanding of the rise of al-Qaeda and the attacks of September 11 is now richer and more complex, thanks to this brilliant combination of social history and investigative journalism."

Silver Prize: $15,000Foxbats over DimonaIsabella Ginor and Gideon Remez (Yale)Prize Jury Commendation:"Foxbats over Dimona is a meticulously researched yet conceptually bold analysis of the origins of the 1967 Arab-Israeli Six Day War. Provocative Soviet actions that have customarily been portrayed as inept or inexplicable are set out by the authors as part of a deliberate plan, which could have culminated in a Soviet attack on Israel's nuclear facility at Dimona. This book, piecing together long-overlooked evidence and clues, delivers all the suspense of a spy novel. It has challenged our understanding of the Six Day War, pioneering a whole new vein of research into the labyrinth of Soviet sources and prompting new scrutiny of events whose consequences resonate today."

Bronze Prize: $5,000Worlds at WarAnthony Pagden (Random House)Prize Jury Commendation:"Anthony Pagden ranges with great fluidity over the history of the long conflict between East and West, Europe and Asia, and ultimately Christianity and Islam. He treats distant past and immediate present, from Herodotus to today's jihadist movements, with equal erudition and a profound understanding of cultural and social forces in vastly different societies and epochs. Master of the broad brush and the fine detail alike, Pagden has painted one of the greatest duels in history on a large canvas that serves as an essential backdrop to today's headlines."

New Resource on Israel

Sam Lehman-Wilzig, who is a visiting professor this year at Brown University, has launched a weekly blog called "Israelity". It can be found on http://www.profslw.com/ under "Blogs" in the upper blue menu. Anyone can register to get the latest post automatically by email (on the left hand side of the homepage). The blog attempts to deal with issues behind the news or that are not covered at all by the mainstream press.


Movie of the Month – Trade (2007)

Based on a New York Times Magazine story, this crime drama starring Kevin Kline delves into a sordid world of international sex trafficking that leads from Mexico City to a New Jersey stash house. In a bid to save kidnapped 13-year-old Adriana (Paulina Gaitan) before she's sold into sexual slavery, her desperate brother (Cesar Ramos) teams with a Texas cop (Kline). Can they find her before she vanishes into a hellish underworld?

This is a powerful and moving drama, well directed and well played, with beautiful music. It provides an insight into the dark and ugly world of pedophile international rings interwoven with sex slavery and trafficking. It is estimated that one million women and children are sold worldwide. Much too little is done to counter this exploitation and stop the kidnapping and selling of human beings for the satisfaction of men.



Wise-ass Lines

1. My husband and I divorced over religious differences. He thought he was God and I didn't.
2. You're just jealous because the voices only talk to me
3. Beauty is in the eye of the beer holder.
4. Out of my mind. Back in five minutes.

5. Consciousness: That annoying time between naps.

6. Wrinkled Was Not One of the Things I Wanted to Be When I Grew up.
7. I Have a Degree in Liberal Arts; Do You Want Fries With That?
8. A hangover is the wrath of grapes.
9. Stupidity is not a handicap. Park elsewhere!


My New Contact Details

I have now resettled in Hull/Beverley. My contact details:

Raphael Cohen-Almagor
Chair in Politics and Deputy Dean for Research
Department of Politics and International Studies
The University of Hull
Cottingham Road
Hull, HU6 7RX
United Kingdom
T: +0044 (0)1482 465024
F: +0044 (0)1482 466208
R.Cohen-Almagor@hull.ac.uk

Mira and Yizhar just left. It was great to have them. I hope to see as many as you. You are most welcome to come my way.


Shana Tova


As we are about to celebrate our New Year, may I wish you and your loved ones a year of small magical moments,
of new hopes and accomplishments,
filled with Love, Joy and Happiness.

Yours as ever,
Rafi

My last communications are available on http://almagor.blogspot.com/
Earlier posts at my home page: http://hcc.haifa.ac.il/~rca/ <http://hcc.haifa.ac.il/~rca/>

People wishing to subscribe to this Monthly Newsletter are welcome to e-mail me at rafi.almagor@wilsoncenter.org